The xenophobic attitudes in Europe are stronger than even. Never before have the member states had as many right-wing parties in action. The aim with this report is therefore to consider whether the Schengen cooperation has had an influence on the development of xenophobia in the member states of EU. The Schengen cooperation became a part of the European Union in 1997, with the aim to abolish the internal border controls for citizens and strengthen the external boarders towards non-members. The intention is furthermore to investigate whether the distance to Schengen ?s external boarder has an impact on the xenophobic attitudes.Three countries are compared: Italy, Netherlands and the United Kingdom.

The aim of my study is to illuminate the borders, both spatial and aspatial, that are drawn around Europe in swedish politics by using the word in question in different ways. To increase my possibilites of comparing different concepts of Europe, I have chosen to restrict my study toFolkpartiet and Vänsterpartiet, which are the two swedish parties who seem to stand the furthest from each other on issues regarding Europe and the EU. Using theory on borders and bordering, I construct an analytical framework consisting of a separation of three categories of entities, around which borders can be drawn. In my search for both obvious and implicit ways of filling the word Europe with content, I find that both parties speak of Europe in a highly contradictory way, which both includes and excludes peripheral regions of a geographical Europe. My second conclusion is that both parties tend to associate Europe with things that are positive to them.

What happens when employees within the police-force make mistakes in their line of duty? This essay set out to investigate the relationship between labour law sanctions and the criminal law punishments for wrongful acts for government employees. This relationship is also set in the perspective of how acts or statements of xenophobia are handled within the Swedish police-force. Further, the essay aims to examine the principle of ne bis in idem in relation to labour law sanctions and criminal law punishment for wrongful acts, and if these two should be considered in line with this principle. Regarding the relationship between labour law sanctions and criminal law punishment for government employees, the determination for which system to use in any given situation is not fully stipulated.

This essay discusses the development of swords in the southern region of Sweden, Skåne. It attempts to locate the areas in Europe where the swords were first made and, in doing so, trace the communication routes by which people traveled. The essay deals with aperiod of a few hundred years, from the late eighth century to sometime around 1300. In that sense, it is therefore also a time study tracing the cultural changes and developments in Skåne during the era of Christianization. Does the development of swords follow the overall changes in society, from an isolated pagan district to a Catholic European community, or not? In answering this question, eight swords were selected and put under closer observation.

The purpose of this paper is to examine how four teachers treats and teaches aboutxenophobia and right-wing extremism. A further aim of this study is to investigate whetherthere are any differences in how a teacher at a vocational high school treat and teachabout xenophobia and right-wing extremism against the teacher at a preparatory school, theydo. To achieve my purpose I have used qualitative interviews of semi-structuredform.These interviews were done with two social studies teacher at a vocational high schooland two social studies teacher at a preparatory school.My results show that teachers all too often respond to xenophobic views directly into theclassroom by reasoning and discussions with students. In my resault is also evident thatthere is a big difference between the teachers at the schools how much time you devoteto xenophobia and right-wing extremism in teaching.The conclusions show that these differences largely depend on which group of students thatteachers have.The conclusions will also be that there are great similarities between the way teachers reasonabout how to deal with xenophobia and the means to do, they also are relatively similar..

This thesis paper is based on Ian Manners Normative Power Europe-theory with a focus on EU?s military operation in Somalia. By examining documents from EU institutions in the form of reports concerning EU NAVFOR ? Operation ATALANTA ? EUTM Somalia ? EUCAP NESTOR. This study shows that the Normative Power Europe-theory can get expressed and that the EU continues its normative statements in Somalia. This result is an interesting contribution to the theory of Normative Power Europe witch have gotten a lot of critic about how a military operation should effect and diminish the theory..

The purpose of this paper is to examine how four teachers treats and teaches aboutxenophobia and right-wing extremism. A further aim of this study is to investigate whetherthere are any differences in how a teacher at a vocational high school treat and teachabout xenophobia and right-wing extremism against the teacher at a preparatory school, theydo. To achieve my purpose I have used qualitative interviews of semi-structuredform.These interviews were done with two social studies teacher at a vocational high schooland two social studies teacher at a preparatory school.My results show that teachers all too often respond to xenophobic views directly into theclassroom by reasoning and discussions with students. In my resault is also evident thatthere is a big difference between the teachers at the schools how much time you devoteto xenophobia and right-wing extremism in teaching.The conclusions show that these differences largely depend on which group of students thatteachers have.The conclusions will also be that there are great similarities between the way teachers reasonabout how to deal with xenophobia and the means to do, they also are relatively similar..

The aim of the study is to research if the Sweden Democrats portray themselves in a way that can be described as populistic and xenophobic and also if this portrayal has changed over time.In order to do so, the terms of populism and xenophobia has been defined by research and put together into two separate ideal types. Through the eyes of the two ideal types and their traits, four of the party programs of the Sweden Democrats have been researched to look at how they express themselves in the programs and if it can be connected to some of the traits within the two ideal types.The conclusion is that some of the traits are to be found in the programs, and that this also varies over time. From showing signs of both populism and xenophobia, the populistic traits become less over time, while the xenophobic ones instead increases..

The purpose of this Masters-thesis is to examine the impact of identity politics on (a) Turkey's foreign policy towards Europe and the EU, and (b) Europe's/EU's political attitude towards Turkey, and what implications this may have on a possibly future Turkish membership in the EU. It is a more interpreting thesis than it is an explaining one. The examination shows that Turkey has considered Europe as a political model, while Europe has used the muslime Turkey as a threat to determine its own identity. The negotiations between EU and Turkey this autumn will have great impact on the identity of both sites. If the EU accepted Turkey as a member, the union could gain a chance to spread democracy to the islamic world and thereby earn global respect.

Denna undersökning är en analys av hur lärare på konkret didaktiskt sätt kan arbeta med invandrarfientlighet, men framförallt islamofobi i skolan. Resultatet av undersökningen kommer att visa att invandrarfientlighet fortfarande är ett stort problem i Sverige och att både media med internet i spetsen har en stor roll i förmedlandet av denna bild. I skolan är kunskapen om hur man arbetar med denna problematik väldigt bristfällig, speciellt när fokus ligger på islamofobi. Ett antal stiftelser och organisationer arbetar med att få fram mer utbildningsmaterial för lärare som ska förenkla arbetet med denna problematik..

I started this project with the understandning that European hisory has become more important in government documents as a part in a larger European discourse, and that this fact is likely to be reflected in the chools textbooks. Therefore this essay deals with the task of comparing history textbooks over time trying to find changes. Firstly to find out how much space European history is afforded in the textbooks, and secondly how Europe is described and used in the textbooks. In my first task I will use a content analysis and in my second a conceptual analysis. My material consists of eight books and I have three pieces of older educational materials from the years 1949, 1954 and 1962.

In a multicultural society such as Sweden opposition between different ethnical groups can be hard to avoid. In the educational arena there is legislation and there are guidelines that aim to avert any kind of xenophobia directed at individuals or groups. As teachers occupy the end point of the educational chain the execution of these guidelines is for the most part left up to them.This paper aims to study how teachers handle situations where xenophobia is present and if so how they work preemptively against it. It also takes a closer look into the notion of professionalism within the teacher force with the aim of trying to answer whether teachers reach the requirements of professionalism. To do so we apply Gunnar Berg?s definition of the term 'professionalism' together with other scholars' thoughts on the subject.

What kind of international actor is the European Union and how shall we define it? These are questions that many have tried to answer often by addressing the apparent uniqueness of the EU itself. One of these theories is Normative power Europe. A theory whose main argument is that the EU is best perceived as a changer of norms. My aim with this thesis is to test this claim and to see if the Union should be regarded as a normative power.

This study aims at examine what kind of interest the European Union (EU) have in promoting a democracy process in Eastern Europe. The study is a descriptive case study where the case Ukraine is used to draw general conclusions. The questions asked to pursue the aim are: why does the EU want to promote a democracy process in Ukraine, what kind of methods does the EU use  and why is Russia trying to prevent the EU-Ukraine development and instead supporting a Russia-Ukraine development. In this study an analytical model is created and used to analyze EU:s way in promoting democracy in Ukraine. The analyze model consists of six steps used to describe the general promotion of a democracy process and it?s applied in the empirical analysis.

The debate about affirmative action for ethnic minorities in countries with another majority culture is growing bigger in many parts of the world. However, it is often the debate misses the aborigines within the countries? borders. The aim of this paper is to investigate the possible conflict in opinions for xenophobic political parties when managing an aborigine population. I will use a qualitative method to study the ethnic minority Sámi in Sweden, Norway and Finland, and afterwards xenophobic parties view on them.To reach a result will I present a scale over Xenophobia ? Cosmopolitanism, which is described as a political cleavage.